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Social protection systems are intended to be shock responsive as they should support people in the event
of shocks or help to mitigate their exposure to shocks
.
Shocks are defined as events that reduce household
income, consumption, and /or accumulation of productive assets. Covariate (or aggregate) shocks, like
droughts, floods, food price increases as well as the COVID-19 pandemic, involve entire communities or
countries in systematically opposite shocks to those considered to be idiosyncratic (or unsystematic), which
affect individuals and households at the same time. In practice, covariate and idiosyncratic shocks may
interact and overlap. For instance, a regional drought, which is a covariate shock, may lead to the death of
an income-earning household member causing an idiosyncratic shock.
Standard social protection systems are set to respond to idiosyncratic shocks such as life cycle events such
as loss of jobs, illness, injury, maternity/paternity, death of spouse or partner etc.
These shocks, which are
experienced by individuals and households unsystematically, are typically covered by the social insurance
component of the social protection system through contributory schemes (see Box 1).
SRSPs should also respond to covariate (i.e., systematic) shocks that affect a large number of households
simultaneously
.
Social assistance, which typically refers to non-contributory, tax-financed or donor-
supported, social benefit schemes have proven to be effective in reducing poverty and food insecurity and
in making households more resilient to particular shocks. No systematic empirical research is available on
their effectiveness in reducing idiosyncratic shocks.
Women and men can be exposed to different types of risks associated with shocks and have different ways
of coping and insuring against them.
This is due to multiple factors such as biological, behavioural, and
cultural factors including persisting gender inequalities, gender roles and gender discriminatory social
norms, laws, and practices. As for idiosyncratic shocks, men and women face different risks throughout
their life cycle: mortality and morbidity risks are generally higher for men, but women and girls are at a
higher risk of malnutrition and poor health during reproductive years due to menstruation, pregnancy, and
lactation. In many countries, early marriage and early childbearing are risk factors with a high impact on
the health and development of girls, while in the labour market and the agriculture sector, women and
men are exposed to different risks and hazards.
Covariate shocks, even when they are not gender specific,
may affect women and men differently. This is either because one gender is over-represented in the
communities and groups of the population affected by the shock or because of pre-shock gender-
inequalities which make men and women differently able to cope with the crisis. For instance, the rise in
the price of a commodity will impact differently on women and men depending on whether they are the
major producers or consumers of that commodity.
Barca V (2017). Conceptualizing shock-responsive social protection. International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG), One
Pager 344, February 2017 ISSN 2318-9118.
Frankenberger T., Swallow K., Mueller M., Spangler T., Downen J., and Alexander S. July (2013). Feed the future learning agenda,
literature review: Improving resilience of vulnerable populations. Rockville, MD: Westat. Retrieved from:
https://agrilinks.org/sites/default/files/resource/files/Feed_the_Future_Learning_Agenda_Resilience
_Literature_Review_July_2013.pdf
Kind M. (2020). COVID-19 and primer on shock-responsive social protection systems, United Nations Department of Economic
and Social Affairs, Policy Brief No. 82.
See, for instance, World Bank (2014b). The state of social safety nets 2014. Washington D.C.: World Bank (Retrieved from:
http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/safetynets/publication/the-state-of-social-safety-nets-2014) for a review of impact
evaluations of social assistance programmes in developing countries over 1999–2009, most of which are in Latin America .
For a review of different risks that men and women face with implications for their health and nutritional status, see J. Harris.
2014. “Gender Implications of Poor Nutrition and Health in Agricultural Households.” In Gender in Agriculture: Closing the
Knowledge Gap, edited by A. R. Quisumbing, R. Meinzen- Dick, T. L. Raney, A. Croppenstedt, J. A. Behrman, and A. Peterman, 267–
283. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer; Rome: FAO.