4
Clingendael Policy Brief
Commission having contributed 131 million
USD to the WHO in the 2018/2019 biennium.
The contributions of the UK, US, Germany
and Japan surpassed the Commission’s
contribution to the WHO in recent years.
DG SANTE was also in the lead with regard
to the joint purchasing of vaccines for
the EU. A national focus in EU member
states at the start of the pandemic made
this vaccine sharing a difficult task, with
initiatives such as the ‘Inclusive Vaccine
Alliance’ initially undermining DG SANTE’s
efforts.
6
But eventually the EC, together
with negotiators from EU member states,
negotiated vaccine deals on behalf of the EU,
and this may be replicated in the future
for other disease outbreaks, including for
zoonotic diseases.
The efforts of DG INTPA and SANTE seem
only loosely connected and coordinated, and
this is also the case for the EU Council bodies
for which they develop legislative proposals
and common viewpoints. EU Council
Conclusions on global health of 2010 that
were adopted by development ministers of
EU members states quickly lost momentum.
This lack of coordination is related to the
absences of a common definition of global
health and EU objectives for global health.
Whereas DG INTPA focuses on health
from a development angle, emphasising
universal health coverage (UHC) and health
systems strengthening (HSS), DG SANTE
looks at health security requirements and
public health protection within the EU.
The compartmentalisation of different
aspects of global health and lack of joint
vision leads to a disconnect between the
EU’s internal and external approaches
to health, whereas pathogens, diseases,
medical products and services, and health
labour migrants travel across borders
transnationally.
6 Louise van Schaik and Remco Van de Pas,
Europeanising Health Policy in Times of
Coronationalism, Clingendael Policy Brief, 2020;
Jillian Deutsch and Sarah Wheaton, How Europe
Fell behind on Vaccines, Politico, 2021.
Dutch leadership on global
health narrowed down to sexual
and reproductive health rights
and AMR
The Dutch situation is somewhat similar to
that of the European Commission. In the
Netherlands global health policy is mainly
in the hands of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs (MFA), or more specifically its DG on
International Cooperation (DGIS), and the
Ministry of Health (MoH).
With regard to development cooperation,
since the early 2010s a political choice has
been made in the Netherlands to focus
health spending on sexual and reproductive
health and rights (SRHR), as one of four
development spearheads.
7
It was considered
that on this issue a difference could be
made with programmes and political
and diplomatic efforts large enough to
have an impact in developing countries.
The policy includes combating maternal
mortality, treating HIV and AIDS and helping
LGBTI minorities.
It was soon realised that strengthening
health systems was a prerequisite for an
effective SRHR policy, and therefore some
support aimed to combine these two
fields. That choice has meant that very
little funding, capacity and expertise in
government and programmes is available
for other health topics. There is a clear
preference to fund efforts undertaken by
specific global health initiatives such as
the GAVI and the Global Fund. Parliament
generally favours these investments as they
are deemed to provide good value for money
on clearly defined objectives and indicators
for reporting on results.
Within the MoH, the international department
is a relatively small team with dedicated
staff focusing on WHO, EU health policy
and other international health policies.
The Netherlands has been an active
contributor to the Global Health Security
Agenda (GHSA), a US-initiated international
7 The others are food security, water and rule of law.